Adult perpetrators of sexual violence

Highlights

  • Adults aged 18 and over are responsible for more than two-thirds of police-reported sexual offenses in Quebec.
  • The majority of people who commit sexual violence are adult men, often known to the victim, such as a current or former intimate partner, family member, acquaintance, or friend.
  • There is no typical profile of perpetrators of sexual violence, although several factors are associated with an increased risk of committing such acts in adulthood, such as past experiences of or perpetration of violence, attitudes that condone sexual violence, excessive alcohol consumption, negative peer influence, and self-regulation problems.

The term “alleged perpetrators” comes from the terminology used by the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (UCR). It is used to reflect the police-reported data.

Characteristics of adult perpetrators of sexual violence

Adults account for the majority of alleged perpetrators of sexual violence among police reported cases. In Quebec, in 2022, nearly 71% of alleged perpetrators of sexual offenses were adults (aged 18 and over). Adults aged 18 to 24 had the highest rate of alleged perpetrators among all adult perpetrators1.

However, only a small proportion (5 to 6%) of sexual assaults are reported to the police each year2,3. Police data are therefore not representative of all cases of sexual violence and should be interpreted with caution. They may overestimate or underestimate certain sexual assaults or other sexual offenses, due to their characteristics. For example, offenses committed by an unknown person and those involving physical injury are more often reported than those committed by a known person and not involving such injury.

People who commit sexual violence are often known to their victims, such as current or former intimate partners, family members, acquaintances, or friends. According to police data from 2022, 81% of alleged perpetrators of sexual offenses, across all age groups, were known to their victims1.

Men account for the vast majority of perpetrators of sexual violence, whether committed against children, young people, or other adults. In 2022, nearly 95% of sexual offenses were committed by boys and men aged 12 and older, while 5% were committed by girls and women1.

Men are more likely to commit sexual violence against women and girls, and women are more likely to commit sexual violence against boys and men4,5. Indeed, the proportion of male perpetrators is higher when sexual violence is committed against girls and women, while it is slightly lower when committed against boys or other men2,3. According to data from Canadian surveys conducted in 2018 and 2019, the overwhelming majority of women who experienced sexual assault during childhood and adulthood reported that a man was the perpetrator (in 96% and 95% of cases, respectively)2,3. Among men, the same trend is found for those who were victims of sexual abuse during childhood, with 84% identifying the perpetrator as male2. However, among male victims in adulthood, just over half (56%) reported that a woman was responsible3.  

Factors associated with the risk of committing sexual violence in adulthood

There is no typical profile of adults who commit sexual violence. Sexual violence is a complex issue influenced by a variety of factors present in individuals’ lives during childhood or adulthood6.

Most studies on factors associated with sexual violence have been conducted on male perpetrators, often those who are already in the system. However, an increasing number of studies are including both women and men in their samples, and several have found more similarities than differences in risk factors according to gender. The factors are therefore presented without distinction based on the gender of the perpetrators.

Social norms, attitudes, and beliefs about sexual violence

Social norms and the manymyths circulating in society about sexual violence can influence people’s beliefs and attitudes. People who commit sexual violence are more likely to hold false beliefs about such violence. These false beliefs contribute to minimizing the seriousness of the violence, blaming the victims, and absolving perpetrators of sexual violence of responsibility6-9. They often stem from myths about sexual violence and may reflect norms of masculinity that value hostility toward women7-10. For example, perpetrators of sexual violence, especially men, are more likely to have distrustful attitudes or feel anger toward women, hold sexual and sexist beliefs, and adhere more rigidly to traditional gender roles 6-8,10.

Having attitudes that condone sexual violence, interpersonal violence, or crime in general is also associated with an increased risk of committing sexual violence6-8,10,11.

Peer influence and interpersonal relationships

The attitudes and beliefs of others influence the risk of committing sexual violence, such as perceiving that peers support sexual violence or that a parental figure adheres to norms of masculinity that value hostility toward women (e.g., believing that men are sexually dominant over women, not trusting women)6-8,11,12. Peer behaviour can also influence this risk, such as having peers who engage in criminal behaviour or who approve of one’s own criminal behaviour10.

In terms of relationships, perpetrators of sexual violence are more likely to have dysfunctional intimate relationships (e.g., infidelity, conflict, abuse) and to have difficulty maintaining long-term relationships10.

Past experiences of violence

Experiences of violence during childhood are among the factors most strongly associated with the risk of committing sexual violence later in life. Studies show that experiencing various forms of abuse during childhood, such as sexual abuse, emotional abuse, neglect, and exposure to violence by a parent, increases the risk of committing abuse as an adult6,12. However, most people who have experienced violence in the past will not commit sexual violence later in life.

Individuals who commit sexual violence as adults are also more likely to have committed it in the past, whether in intimate relationships or not, and to have committed other forms of violence (e.g., psychological or physical)7,8,11.

Individual characteristics and behaviours

Several individual behaviours are associated with the risk of committing sexual violence, such as having engaged in delinquent or aggressive behaviour in the past6,11. Furthermore, alcohol consumption, including excessive consumption, may also be associated with a higher risk of committing sexual violence, due to its effects on disinhibition, altered perceptions, and the exacerbation of certain attitudes. Several of these attitudes are factors associated with an increased risk of committing sexual violence, such as hostility toward women, sexist beliefs, and the perception that peers approve of sexual violence6,8,11. Alcohol is also the psychoactive substance most often present in cases of sexual violence 13.  

Perpetrators of sexual violence are also more likely to have self-regulation problems, such as impulsivity or the adoption of strategies that are inappropriate for the situation (e.g., substance use, compulsive sexuality)10. They are more likely to have antisocial personality traits, such as a lack of empathy or contempt for others, impulsivity, or aggression8, and they also tend to have more sexual preoccupations (e.g., excessive masturbation) or paraphilic sexual interests (e.g., forced sexual acts, voyeurism)10.

Factors specific to sexual violence against children

Most factors associated with sexual violence can apply to all adult perpetrators of sexual violence, regardless of the age of the victims. However, some factors are more specific to sexual violence committed against children.

Perpetrators of sexual violence against children are more likely to have emotional congruence with children, such as preferring their company to that of adults or viewing children as friends or romantic partners. They hold more attitudes and beliefs that are conducive to sexual offenses against children, such as the false belief that children enjoy sexual activity10. They are also more likely to have a sexual interest in children and cognitive distortions, such as viewing children as sexual objects or minimizing the consequences of sexual violence on child victims6.

Protective factors

Certain factors have the potential to reduce the risk of sexual violence in some individuals, but these have been studied much less than the factors that increase this risk. Among the protective factors identified in the literature are empathy for others and the ability to regulate emotions and resolve conflicts in a healthy and appropriate manner6,8,10,14. In terms of relationships, having strong social support, a good relationship with one’s parents, and a secure attachment to them during childhood also reduce the risk of committing sexual violence in adulthood10,12.

Sexual recidivism among adult sex offenders

Sexual recidivism among sex offenders is relatively uncommon, with female offenders having a lower average recidivism rate than male offenders4,15. Research suggests that the average rate of sexual recidivism is approximately 10%16. In Canada, sexual recidivism rates fell by 60% between 1940 and 201916.

Not all sex offenders pose the same level of risk of reoffending. Certain factors are associated with a higher risk of recidivism (e.g., psychosexual, self-regulation, and relationship problems), while others are linked to a lower risk (e.g., healthy sexual interests, capacity for emotional intimacy, positive social support)16,17.

Specialized treatments to reduce the risk of sexual recidivism generally have a positive effect on reducing recidivism, particularly in individuals with a moderate or high risk of recidivism16,18.

References

  1. Ministère de la Sécurité publique (2024). Criminalité au Québec - Infractions sexuelles en 2022, Ministère de la Sécurité publique.
  2. Cotter, A. (2021). La victimisation criminelle au Canada, 2019, « Juristat ».
  3. Cotter, A., et L. Savage (2019). La violence fondée sur le sexe et les comportements sexuels non désirés au Canada, 2018 : premiers résultats découlant de l’Enquête sur la sécurité dans les espaces publics et privés, Statistique Canada, « Juristat ».
  4. Freeman, N. J., et J. C. Sandler (2008). Female and male sex offenders: a comparison of recidivism patterns and risk factors, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 23, n° 10, p. 1394‑1413.
  5. Williams, K. S., et D. M. Bierie (2015). An incident-based comparison of female and male sexual offenders, Sexual Abuse, vol. 27, n° 3, p. 235‑257.
  6. Casey, E. A., et T. Masters (2017). Sexual violence risk and protective factors : a systematic review of the literature, Injury and Violence Prevention & Washington State Department of Health.
  7. Ray, T. N., et M. R. Parkhill (2023). Components of hostile masculinity and their associations with male-perpetrated sexual aggression toward women: a systematic review, Trauma, violence & abuse, vol. 24, n° 2, p. 355‑368.
  8. Spencer, C. M., M. Rivas-Koehl, S. Astle, M. L. Toews, K. M. Anders et P. McAllister (2023). Risk markers for male perpetration of sexual assault on college campuses : a meta-analysis, Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, vol. 24, n° 4, p. 2486‑2497.
  9. Trottier, D., M. Benbouriche et V. Bonneville (2021). A meta-analysis on the association between rape myth acceptance and sexual coercion perpetration, Journal of sex research, vol. 58, n° 3, p. 375‑382.
  10. Seto, M. C., C. Augustyn, K. M. Roche et G. Hilkes (2023). Empirically-based dynamic risk and protective factors for sexual offending, Clinical psychology review, vol. 106, p. 102355.
  11. Steele, B., M. Martin, A. Yakubovich, D. K. Humphreys et E. Nye (2022). Risk and protective factors for men’s sexual violence against women at higher education institutions : a systematic and meta-analytic review of the longitudinal evidence, Trauma, violence & abuse, vol. 23, n° 3, p. 716‑732.
  12. Sitney, M. H., et K. L. Kaufman (2021). A chip off the old block : the impact of fathers on sexual offending behavior, Trauma, violence & abuse, vol. 22, n° 4, p. 961‑975.
  13. Kingree, J. B., et M. Thompson (2015). A comparison of risk factors for alcohol-involved and alcohol-uninvolved sexual aggression perpetration, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 30, n° 9, p. 1478‑1492.
  14. Tharp, A. T., S. DeGue, L. A. Valle, K. A. Brookmeyer, G. M. Massetti et J. L. Matjasko (2013). A systematic qualitative review of risk and protective factors for sexual violence perpetration, Trauma, Violence & Abuse, vol. 14, n° 2, p. 133‑167.
  15. Cortoni, F., R. K. Hanson et M.-È. Coache (2009). Les délinquantes sexuelles : prévalence et récidive, Revue internationale de criminologie et de police technique et scientifique 4, p. 319‑336.
  16. Lussier, P., et E. McCuish (2024). Revisiting the sexual recidivism drop in Canada and the United States : a meta-analysis of 468 empirical studies involving 388,994 individuals, Journal of Criminal Justice, vol. 92, p. 102188.
  17. de Vries Robbé, M., R. E. Mann, S. Maruna et D. Thornton (2015). An exploration of protective factors supporting desistance from sexual offending, Sexual Abuse, vol. 27, n° 1, p. 16‑33.
  18. Holper, L., A. Mokros et E. Habermeyer (2024). Moderators of sexual recidivism as indicator of treatment effectiveness in persons with sexual offense histories : an updated meta-analysis, Sexual Abuse, vol. 36, n° 3, p. 255‑291.

Author: Maude Lachapelle, Scientific Advisor, INSPQ
External review: Mathieu Couture, Ph. D., Psychologist and Practice Development Manager, Regroupement des Intervenants en matière d’agressions sexuelles (RIMAS)

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